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60 pages 2 hours read

Timothy Egan

A Fever in the Heartland: The Ku Klux Klan's Plot to Take Over America, and the Woman Who Stopped Them

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2023

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Part 3, Chapters 19-23Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 3: “Reckoning”

Part 3, Chapter 19 Summary: “Big Man in a Small Town, Spring 1925”

With the blessing of clergy, the Klan gained a foothold in Noblesville, Indiana, a small town just north of Indianapolis. In 1925, all eyes turn to Noblesville as Stephenson’s trial was moved there. A local judge denied Stephenson bail but allowed his legal team access to Oberholtzer’s notarized statement, her dying words accusing the Grand Dragon of kidnapping and rape. Her statement gave weight to the defense since she admitted taking the poison herself and keeping it a secret for six hours. However, the statement also contained Stephenson’s claim that he “could get away with this monstrous crime because ‘I am the law in Indiana’” (243), a claim widely reported by the press. Oberholtzer’s death galvanized the protest movement in a way O’Donnell and Dale had failed to achieve.

Evans scrambled to contain the damage. The hypocrisy of the Klan’s high-profile moralizers—Stephenson, Barr, and Caleb Ridley, its national preacher arrested for drunk driving—began to show. With Klan political influence at an all-time high—its most recent legislative goal was to outlaw the teaching of evolution—Evans tried to disassociate Stephenson from the Klan altogether. He planned a massive rally in Washington, DC, the same day Stephenson’s trial was set to begin.

Part 3, Chapter 20 Summary: “One Nation Under a Shroud, Summer 1925”

Upwards of 50,000 Klansmen—unmasked and unafraid—marched on the nation’s capital with 200,000 spectators cheering for them. The vast majority were from Northern states. As the parade reached its endpoint at the Washington Monument, a heavy rain scattered the crowd and precluded the lighting of an enormous cross. The success of the parade burnished the Klan’s image in the eyes of many Americans and an uncritical press.

In the Hamilton County jail, Stephenson’s incarceration more closely resembled a stay at a luxury hotel—the sheriff brought him “[c]igars, good liquor, and treats” (252), plus gifts, cash, and personal notes from prominent politicians. Press coverage was generally favorable, although Evans’s presence in Noblesville was a reminder that Stephenson’s standing within the national KKK had faltered. Responding to charges that the Klan was on the decline, Evans claimed, “If the Klan is dead […] then America is dead” (255).

Meanwhile, a third judge was appointed to Stephenson’s case, and the trial date was pushed back to October 1. With the defense’s motion to dismiss the charges denied, Stephenson had to spend several more months behind bars.

Part 3, Chapter 21 Summary: “To Slay a Dragon, Autumn 1925”

As Remy prepared his case against Stephenson, the stress took its toll—he barely slept and lost nearly 30 pounds. He knew the jury pool would be populated with Klan members, so he crafted his argument carefully so as not to put the jury on trial as well. When the jury was finally selected, Remy’s co-counsel, former judge Charles Cox, discovered that at least three members were likely Klansmen. Local Noblesville octogenarian William Stern, a veteran of the Civil War, was outraged by the presence of the Klan in both his state and his Republican party. He urged his fellow citizens to see through the charade of “Americanism” to the hypocrisy beneath.

In his opening statement, Cox cited Oberholtzer’s dying words, careful to portray the victim as beloved and “chaste.” Stephenson, on the other hand, he depicted as a drunkard and sexual predator, a man with a charming exterior but a “debauched” soul. Following the prosecution’s strategy, Cox never mentioned the Klan. On the other side, the defense offered no opening statement. Inman believed he could get the case dismissed with no proof of murder, or that fellow Klansmen would close ranks to protect one of their own. The prosecution focused on Oberholtzer’s injuries sustained while in the company of Stephenson. The defense tried to taint her character, but the judge disallowed it. Then Remy suggested the cause of Oberholtzer’s death was actually an infection from the bite wounds. The doctor on the stand claimed, “It most certainly hastened her death” (271).

Asa Smith, a World War I veteran, testified for the prosecution. Experiencing ongoing trauma from the war, Smith was fragile, and Inman aimed to take advantage of it. He accused Smith of trying to extort money from Stephenson, a charge Smith denied. The following day, the judge declared that Oberholtzer’s dying statement—still in legal limbo—could be admitted as evidence, a win for the prosecution.

Part 3, Chapter 22 Summary: “She Said, November 1925”

The following day, Remy read Oberholtzer’s statement. The final witness of the day was a Black train porter who identified Stephenson as Oberholtzer’s alleged captor. As Stephenson tried to manipulate the local election from his jail cell, he encountered unusual resistance: a candidate not interested in his bribe.

Part 3, Chapter 23 Summary: “Inside and Outside, November 1925”

Stephenson had paid off the sheriff and several reporters, but with the trial uncertain, he decided to destroy Oberholtzer’s reputation. He planted stories in the press about her party lifestyle. The poison, he claimed, was an attempt at a self-induced abortion. He then paid off loyal Klansmen to perjure themselves on the witness stand, to lie about Oberholtzer.

Evans, meanwhile, raced across the country to contain the ever-widening fallout from the Stephenson trial in an attempt to assuage disenchanted Klansmen. For his part, Stephenson’s mounting legal bills threatened to drain his wealth.

Remy’s medical expert testified that the poison alone wasn’t enough to kill Oberholtzer, but the massive infection from Stephenson’s bite wounds coupled with the toxins proved fatal. The next day, Inman made some headway against another of Remy’s medical witnesses, and Stephenson was pleased when the Klan swept Indiana’s local elections.

Part 3, Chapters 19-23 Analysis

Although Stephenson had remained immune to consequences prior to his trial, his sadism, corruption, and appetite for violence caught up to him, revealing cracks in his once impenetrable façade. While O’Donnell and Dale had made logical arguments against the Klan, appealing to reason and virtue, those arguments had gone largely unheeded. On the other hand, Oberholtzer’s death resonated on an emotional level: The story of a young woman, a native Hoosier, raped and infected by human bites, galvanized the public’s attention and its sympathy, suggesting that as rhetorical strategies go, pathos is more effective than appeals to logic or to authority. There is also no small measure of paternalism in the public’s response; not only had Oberholtzer been murdered, but her “purity” has also been stolen. This led to the sexist rebuttal by the defense: Taint her virtue and portray her as a sexually active woman, and in a conservative religious environment like Indiana, that may be just enough to convince the all-male jury that Oberholtzer was complicit in her own death. Even in 1925, however, enough of a nascent suffragette movement existed to oppose these charges. Calling a woman’s sexual activity into question may have worked in the past, but legions of 20th-century feminists stood up to cry, “Not this time.

As the prosecution’s legal team built its case, it had to tread carefully. District Attorney Remy navigated difficult rhetorical waters of his own. In a county filled with members of the Invisible Empire, he had to appeal to likely Klan sympathizers without alienating them. Exposing Stephenson’s hypocrisy was easy: For the leader of an organization that claimed to uphold moral values, Stephenson’s behavior was a stark contradiction to the Klan’s professed Americanism. Remy had some help from Evans, who distanced himself and the national Klan from Stephenson’s increasingly erratic behavior. As Stephenson found himself slowly isolated—very slowly—he still had many supporters, although his bottomless well of cash began to run dry, and his trial—a slam dunk, he initially assumed—turned against him. Furthermore, in an ironic twist, a Black man of “little standing” confirmed the guilt of the most powerful Klansman in the state. Using his oratorical skills, Stephenson played the victim card, portraying himself as the target of a witch hunt. His enemies were “un-American” and wished to “mongrelize” the white race. Appeals to fear never grow old, apparently, and so far Stephenson still carried enough influence to sway the outcome of local elections. With the legislature and law enforcement in his back pocket, Stephenson still had reason to hope.

Egan’s narrative weaves a cautionary tale about the dangers of normalizing bigotry. With fear of non-white people as their driving force and the blessings of Protestant clergy as their divine sanction, the Klan infiltrated the soul of the heartland, a place in which burning crosses to terrorize Black residents or organizing boycotts to drive Jewish or Italian merchants out of business became de rigueur—so commonplace, in fact, that it was not considered “un-American or cruel by most people in town” (238). Editor George Dale likened it to a fever, and his analogy is apt in some ways. Racism has been a recurring ingredient in the American democratic experiment, and demagogues like Stephenson seem especially capable of eliciting it, of drawing it out when it suits their needs. Such characters care nothing for the harm they cause but merely seek to enrich themselves with any cause that roils the blood of their followers.

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