36 pages • 1 hour read
Eve Kosofsky SedgwickA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Sedgwick uses the Introduction to preview the concept of social binarism with respect to hetero and homosexual identities. She reminds the reader that “homosexual panic,” or Kempf’s Disease, was coined in the 1920s by psychologist Edward Kempf and described hysteria attributable to “perverse sexual cravings” in oneself or another. This fallacious psychological diagnosis led directly to what is currently known as the “gay panic defense” in legal settings, which is the idea that someone’s terror of perceived homoeroticism can be used as an excuse for their crimes. In other words, “responsibility for the crime was diminished” because it arose from what was perceived as a sexual advance from the victim (18). In this way, the gay panic defense emblemizes misperceptions of gay identity by making “unwarranted assumptions that all gay men may plausibly be accused of making sexual advances to strangers, and, worse, that violence [...] is a legitimate response to any sexual advance whether welcome or not” (18). Essentially, homosexuality is assumed to be “so private and so atypical a phenomenon in this culture as to be classifiable as an accountability-reducing illness” (18).
The gay panic defense remains part of case law and has not yet successfully been challenged in legislation, which emphasizes how entrenched society’s rejection of homoeroticism in favor of strict binary identities is. While legislation against hate speech and hate crimes has passed, only a few states have included sexuality on the list of groups protected against these types of crimes. Sedgwick writes:
The widespread acceptance of this defense really seems to show, to the contrary, that hatred of homosexuals is even more public, more typical, hence harder to find any leverage against than hatred of other disadvantaged groups. “Race panic” or “gender panic,” for instance, is not accepted as a defense for violence against people of color or against women (18).
Thus, concludes Sedgwick, the fallacy that underlies the panic defense is the notion that the very opaque nature of an individual’s sexuality is a sufficient reason to justify violence or even murder against someone suspected of being non-heterosexual. Evidence of race or gender is visible, and this visibility protects the victim. Because one’s sexual orientation may or not be revealed at the discretion of the individual, the individual is legally subject to violence.
Sedgwick segues to the notion of the “closet,” its relationship to what is known and unknown, and its relationship to the private and public lives of gay people. For Sedgwick, the language of “coming out” and “the closet” has constituted a double bind in homosexual life. Commenting on the case of an earth science teacher, Acanfora, who in 1973 was transferred to a nonteaching position by the Board of Education in Montgomery County, Maryland when they learned he was gay. Sedgwick notes that the board asked the case to be dismissed before trial “on the grounds that he had failed to note on his original employment application that he had been, in college, an officer of a student homophile organization—a notation that would, as school officials admitted in court, have prevented his ever being hired” (69). Thus, the secrecy and disclosure of one’s homosexual orientation constituted a situation whereby remaining in the closet allowed for Acanfora’s employment and ability to earn a living while his coming out gave the Board of Education the legal means of barring his access to continue teaching in the classroom—for no other reason than the fact of his homosexuality was now a piece of public knowledge.
For Sedgwick, casual uses of a language that has its origins in homosexual identity is no accident, and in order to understand why this is the case, she provides an historical overview of the way in which knowledge and ignorance became inseparable from questions related to sex and one’s sexual identity. Relying on the genealogical account Foucault provided in the first volume of his History of Sexuality, Sedgwick argues that what began in Europe prior to the Renaissance and was then accelerated during the late eighteenth century was a process of secularization of Judeo-Christian language. The main effect of this, was the understanding that “sexuality is fruit...to be plucked from the tree of knowledge” (73). In other words, the theological vocabulary of sin, virtue, salvation, and the fall of man was translated into a secular discourse on personal identity and moral character, and this discourse located the vice of human existence within the not so obvious, private lives of human desire. Enlightenment Europe now viewed human existence as threatened by its own desire, particularly its own sexual desire. In this process of secularization, the separation of heterosexual from homosexual desire played a central role such that “knowledge and ignorance [...] became not contingently but integrally infused with one particular object of cognition: no longer sexuality as a whole but even more specifically, now, the homosexual topic” (74). However, says Sedgwick, ever since the early period of the LGBTQI movement within the United States, the language and vocabulary of “coming out of the closet” has found popular usage with respect to other oppressed social groups (whether based on race, gender, ethnicity, ability, etc.).
And it is due to this fact that Sedgwick takes the time to delineate the ways in which oppression based on one’s sexuality differs from other forms of oppression. First, sex, unlike race, ability, ethnicity, and so on, is not immediately obvious or perceptible to others. This means that sexual identity itself involves a certain questioning and interrogation in order for the “truth” of one’s sexuality to be known—whether by the individual or by society as a whole. Second, sexual identity, unlike other kinds of identity, lacks a certain stability or certainty inherent in other identities, such as race or ethnicity. As Sedgwick writes:
In the process of gay self-disclosure […] questions of authority and evidence can be the first to arise. “How do you know you’re really gay? Why be in such a hurry to jump to conclusions? After all, what you’re saying is only based on a few feelings, not real actions…” (79).
In this way, homosexual individuals are robbed of the agency to define for themselves what their sexuality is, which “reveal[s] how problematical at present is the very concept of gay identity, as well as how intensely it is resisted” (79). It is one of the few aspects of identity that one must seek to find, rather than just “being.”
It is these incoherencies in the notion of sexual identity—equally applicable to heterosexual identity—that Sedgwick identifies in the tension between minoritizing (e.g., gay identity, “essentialist”) and universalizing (e.g. bisexual potential, “social constructionist”) views on sexual identity. It is the tension at the heart of sexual identity that defines any sexual identity whatsoever.
In this chapter Sedgwick applies the framework developed in the previous chapter to Melville’s novella Billy Budd—a text with an explicitly homosexual character (John Claggart) written at the very moment when the crystallization of homosexual identity was reaching its apex in Europe. This makes the text a perfect case study for the ambiguities and irresolvable tensions that have come to define the heterosexual/homosexual binary throughout Western society. As Sedgwick notes, even Melville’s description of John Claggart reinforces the irresolvable tension and indeterminate nature of sexual identity, while relying upon an implicitly moralizing vocabulary. Melville’s description of Claggart as “mysterious” or “secretive” parallel with “equally abstract chain[s] of damning ethical designations: ‘the direct reverse of a saint, ‘depravity,’” (95). For Sedgwick, Billy Budd is a seminal case where a homosexual character appears in literature precisely because of the manner in which Claggart is experienced by the other characters.
Billy Budd is a story about the dynamics between Billy, Claggart, and Captain Vere at sea. Claggart’s is an on-board policeman. There is a suspicion that a member of the crew is acting as an agent provocateur aiming to foment a mutiny on the ship. This informs how the ambiguity and undecidability of Claggart’s identity becomes crystalized into the homosexual. And what transpires on the ship between Billy and Claggart—Billy’s accusation of Claggart’s intent to mutiny and Billy’s ultimate murder of Claggart—paints the portrait of the anxiety that shapes heterosexual identity in relation to homosexuality. For Sedgwick, Billy’s murder of Claggart is an early example of what came to be known as the “panic defense”—a justification for murder used by an individual charged with murdering a homosexual person, which claims that the murder, in this instance, was excusable precisely because of the “panic” experienced on the part of the murderer. It is this fact of anxiety and panic on the part of heterosexual identity that is played out in Melville’s novella.
In this chapter Sedgwick takes up the figures of Oscar Wilde and Friedrich Nietzsche and examines the ways in which homoerotic relations and the male body were coded and recoded at the final decade of the 19th century in Europe. Perhaps one of the central reasons for pairing Wilde and Nietzsche is that each represent a particular reception of the Classical (i.e. Ancient Greek) male body with respect to Victorian (for Wilde) and Christian (for Nietzsche) virtues. As Sedgwick puts it, “[t]he Victorian cult of Greece gently, unpointedly, and unexclusively positioned male flesh and muscle as the indicative instances of ‘the’ body, of a body of unphobic enjoyment. The Christian tradition, by contrast, had tended both to condense ‘the flesh’ [...] as the female body and to surround its attractiveness with an aura of maximum anxiety and prohibition” (136). Though Victorians and Christians came to the demystification of the male body for distinct reasons, the outcome of this reception, says Sedgwick, is the lifting of the cultural prohibition on the enjoyment and fascination with the figure of the male body (whether in art or in religion).
In both the work of Wilde and Nietzsche, one discovers time and again an explicit or implicit celebration of the male figure and of male-male desire. With respect to Wilde, these homoerotic relations are recast in terms of a self-reflexivity that would come to define his antirepresentationalism and modernist antisentimentalism; Wilde recasts male-male desire as a proto-narcissistic relation to oneself and self-image. For Nietzsche, by contrast, the celebration of homosocial bonding among men is more explicit, especially given that his reception of Ancient Greek depictions of the male figure is treated in a more overt manner than Wilde. For Sedgwick, however, the chief characteristic that brings Nietzsche and Wilde into conversation about the representation of male-male desire is that both writers demonstrate how male-male desire drives the social lives of others and constitutes a relation that must be continuously policed such that homosexuality can be separated and excluded from the body politic of nineteenth century Europe.
In Chapters 1-3, Sedgwick explores the ways in which heterosexual/homosexual binarism governs various sexual identities and produces threats and obstacles. She begins the book by setting the stage for the implications of binarism in literary works (which exemplify social norms) using the book’s only strictly nonfiction chapter to cover the gay panic defense. By focusing first on the contemporary implications of the literary analyses that will follow, Sedgwick effectively primes the reader to extrapolate the implications of the book on current affairs. Sedgwick published the book at a moment in history when AIDS was ravaging the homosexual population but before the brutal murder of Matthew Shepard brought hate crimes motivated by the victim’s sexual orientation to greater public consciousness. Sedgwick makes clear that what she explores in later, more literary chapters is not merely theoretical but directly applicable to current events and politics.
The rest of the book’s analysis proceeds chronologically, analyzing fiction and nonfiction texts. When Sedgwick turns to the fictional Claggart in the second chapter, Claggart’s identity is characterized by secrecy and opacity, which is doubled by the office he holds as being the ships policeman. As Sedgwick points out, the story’s culmination in Billy’s murder of Claggart constitutes a form of the panic defense addressed in the previous chapter and serves as a perfect example from literature as to the psychology and social norms that inform the violence against homosexual life.
In the third chapter, Sedgwick emphasizes how homophobic anxieties have come to be embedded at the heart of heterosexual identity during the end of the 1800s through the work of Wilde and Nietzsche. For Sedgwick, both Wilde and Nietzsche crystallize how the enjoyment of the male figure through the appreciation of Ancient Greek art reshaped anxieties around homosexuality and created a new obligation of heterosexual masculinity to continuously prove its non-homosexual status. Thus, Sedgwick writes “the paranoid structure of these male investments is not [...] to pathologize or marginalize them but, rather, to redeploy their admitted centrality” (163).