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73 pages 2 hours read

Blaine Harden

Escape from Camp 14

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 2012

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Themes

Political Corruption

In addition to Shin, the author interviewed a number of people about political corruption in North Korea. One notable example is the trader who took part in a state-run global insurance fraud, making successful claims for losses caused by natural disasters and industrial accidents. Reinsurance companies eventually realized that they were being conned, but, in the meantime, large quantities of money were being funneled directly to the North Korean government.

Ironically, North Korea was hit by a severe famine in the 1990s and suffered widespread poverty as a result. The country’s recovery relied significantly on foreign aid, despite the government’s proclamations of self-sufficiency. However, the North Korean government demanded that they have complete control over the distribution of this aid. The foreign doors were not happy about this arrangement but had little choice but to capitulate given the severity of the situation. However, their concerns were apparently well-founded, as a significant percentage of aid did not reach the general population. According to scholars and aid agencies, approximately 30 percent was stolen by “bureaucrats, party officials, army officers and other well-placed government elites” (86).

Famine also prompted the government to (reluctantly) provide incentives to encourage farming. To this end, private farming on small plots of land became legal in 2002. However, the government was uneasy about this move towards capitalism, which gave individual farmers and business owners greater power and independence, while weakening the government’s own position. As a countermeasure, the military confiscated a substantial amount of the food produced and stationed soldiers on farms to ensure that food was not being stolen by visiting city dwellers who were brought to assist with the harvest.

In spite of these official aims, the deployment of soldiers fostered its own form of corruption, in that farm managers sometimes paid soldiers to feign ignorance of the large-scale theft of food that is subsequently sold on the black market. Disputes among the soldiers themselves can turn violent, leading to fistfights and shootings. Likewise, individual soldiers, such as those working patrolling the North Korean-Chinese border, can be open to bribes. Harden’s account of the political situation in North Korea shows that corruption is rife, not only a macro level but a micro level as well.

Perhaps the ultimate example of political corruption is the labor camps. Despite clear satellite evidence and first-hand accounts of these camps, the government continues to deny that they exist and the North Korean media insists that “There is no ‘human rights issue’ in this country, as everyone leads the most dignified and happy life” (iii). Through its depictions of torture, poverty, and execution, this book provides a strong rebuttal to such claims.

Social Class and Bloodline

One important feature of the labor camps is that not all prisoners are incarcerated because they have committed a crime. Shin, of course, was born in the camp, yet his father had not committed a crime: he had been imprisoned because of the actions of his brothers. This highlights the concept of guilt by association that prevails both inside the camp and in North Korea as a whole. We see from Shin’s response to his mother and brother’s escape plan that guilt by association could cause fear and anger in the camps, as family members knew that they would be punished for one another’s crimes. What we also see, though, is that some individuals would not be in the camp in the first place if not for this system.

The concept of lineage is highly influential in North Korea and stems from a “neofeudal, blood-based pecking order” (34) that was created by Kim Il Sung in 1957 as a means of identifying and isolating his political adversaries. This system classified and segregated the population into three main classes based on the perceived reliability of a person’s parents and grandparents. The top tier was the core class, whose members could obtain jobs in the government and military. The intermediate level was the neutral or wavering class, and its members were teachers and technicians. Finally, there was the hostile class, members of which had originally been suspected of opposing the government. Their descendants now work in mines and factories.

As its name suggests, the wavering class is the most mobile of the three social classes, in that members can sometimes move up the social hierarchy, by, for example, joining the Korean People’s army and, “with luck and connections” (35), attaining a low-level position in the ruling party. Traders benefited from the chance to accrue wealth thanks to the growth of private markets in the aftermath of the famine of the 1990s. This, in turn, helped them bribe their way to better standards of living. When it came to government positions, however, family background was the deciding factor.

Whereas the core class lived in the capital city of Pyongyang, many members of the hostile class were relocated to provinces along the Chinese border. And, of course, there were also those who found themselves in the labor camps. The division between classes could likewise be felt within the camp itself, as is made clear during the scene in which the guards’ children pelt Shin and his classmates with rocks. In their eyes, these prisoners are descended from “irredeemable sinners” (34) and are therefore inferior and tainted. Their own lineage, by contrast, has been sanctified by the “Great Leader,” and they take the opportunity to assert their superior social status over the children from the hostile class.

The ultimate irony, then, is that the North Korean government celebrates communism while separating the members of society according to “one of the world’s most rigidly stratified caste systems” (34).

Violence and Brutality

In addition to the political issues that gave rise to the camps’ existence, the camps themselves are marked by an oppressive, brutal regime. This is why human rights groups are so keen to raise awareness of what is occurring within these camps and to challenge the apathy that has so far characterized the international response to them.

Shin’s account of his own life in the camp highlights this brutality; particularly during the period in which he was tortured by the guards. Likewise, his mother and brother’s public executions are depicted in graphic detail. Violence was not limited to such events, though, but was endemic within the camp. Guards and teachers were given free rein to beat and rape prisoners, although Harden notes that women would often consent to sex in exchange for more lenient treatment within the camp. This is not to say that violence was limited to guards and teachers, however; in fact, Shin’s own mother would issue beatings that were sometimes as violent as those meted out by the guards. Group violence was also common, with teachers enlisting students to punish students who were not pulling their weight, who were scavenging or struggling to complete arduous manual tasks.

Guards showed no sympathy or mercy to anyone who could not cope with their workload, and weakness and sickness were seen as personal faults that necessitated punishment. The rationale was that prisoners needed to make themselves useful and cope with whatever tasks they were assigned. The scene in which Shin drops a sewing machine highlights this mindset: sewing machines were seen to be far more valuable than prisoners in the camp and, as punishment for his carelessness, the superintendent ordered that Shin’s finger be cut off.

Teachers would likewise issue beatings, and Shin recalls one extreme incident in which a girl was beaten for hoarding five kernels of corn. The camp’s official rule was that anyone caught stealing or concealing food would be shot, but, more often, this rule was not enforced: teachers would either “issue a couple of desultory whacks with a stick” (26) or do nothing. Students therefore often felt that it was worth taking a chance, however, in this instance, the teacher was in a bad mood. Indeed, teachers and guards did not need a reason for beating prisoners—as former guards have revealed, they sometimes did so simply because they were bored or because they felt like it. The teacher in question subsequently beat the girl so severely that she died later that night.

As was the norm, no mention was made of this incident in school the next day, and there was no evidence that the teacher was disciplined. The students accepted such violence as normal and warranted, as they had internalized the official line about their treasonous bloodlines. In fact, Shin states that he and his fellow students had accepted that they deserved to be beaten. They did not even feel angry with the guards and teachers.

It was only once Shin learned about the outside world that he started questioning this arrangement and feeling resentful. In one instance, he even stood up to a hot-headed sewing-machine repairman who was kicking a woman in the face. Surprising himself, Shin lost his composure and hit the man with a wrench until he fell to the ground. From this incident, we see that at this point Shin was “no longer a passive, malnourished, torture-traumatized child” (91).

Aside from this significant outburst, Shin was more often on the receiving end of violence and torture. Such acts are now in Shin’s past but, as with his psychological trauma, the scars remain. As the author summarizes near the beginning of the book, Shin’s body is a map that reveals the various brutal acts to which he was subjected in the camp. The ensuing chapters consequently expand on this subject, detailing the circumstances that led to each of these scars. 

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