44 pages • 1 hour read
Nathaniel PhilbrickA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
By November, the Essex was nearing Cape Horn at the southern tip of Africa. Dealing with bad weather and great storms, the crew took more than a month to round the Horn and enter the waters off the coast of Chile. After several fruitless months in this area, they finally met with success near Peru, boiling down close to 500 barrels of oil in barely two months.
In springtime, the crew happened to meet the whaleship Aurora, which was carrying mail, some of it for Essex crewmembers. Pollard also spoke with the Aurora’s captain about a whaling ground that had been found just two years ago. The captain told Pollard about Captain George Washington Gardner, who “had headed farther out to sea in 1818 than any other Nantucket whaleship had so far dared to go. More than a thousand miles off the coast of Peru he hit the mother lode, an expanse of ocean full of sperm whales” (67). Hearing this news, Pollard determined that the ship would stock up on provisions before leaving for this section of the Pacific.
On October 2, the Essex set sail for the Galapagos, killing several more whales along the way and bringing their total haul to almost half of their goal. Along the way to the islands, however, the Essex sprung a leak, and the crew was desperate to reach land. Reaching Hood Island, one of the Galapagos, the crew repaired the ship and collected 180 tortoises to bring onboard to serve as living food stores: “One of the reasons Galapagos tortoises were so valued by the whalemen was that they could live for more than a year without any food or water” (74). Stopping also at the nearby Charles Island, the crew left a number of letters in a makeshift mailbox for any passers-by, collected another 100 tortoises, and set off back into the Pacific. Before they did so, one of the crewmembers lit a fire as a “prank.” The blaze quickly grew out of control, destroying most of the island and angering the rest of the crew.
After almost 15 months at sea, the Essex was now following the equator into the farthest reaches of the Pacific Ocean. Pollard discerned that they had only a few more months before they would need to begin the long journey back to Nantucket, making those months crucially important. On November 20, a bright and clear day, the men of the Essex spotted a large pod of whales. The whaleboats of Pollard and second mate Matthew Joy fastened onto whales, but Chase’s boat was damaged yet again by a whale, forcing him to return to the Essex to make repairs.
While on board, Thomas Nickerson spotted an enormous whale that seemed to have broken away from the group and was heading toward the ship: “After spouting two or three times, the whale dove, then surfaced less than thirty-five yards from the ship” (81). Picking up velocity, the whale aimed directly for the forward section of the port side and rammed the ship head on. The collision knocked the crew to the deck, and every man was at a loss for words: “Never before, in the entire history of the Nantucket whale fishery, had a whale been known to attack a ship” (81). Chase stood up and saw the whale coming out of its stunned state and beginning to veer around for a second blow. It had doubled its speed from the first encounter, and Chase nearly struck at it with a lance. He hesitated, however, fearing that the whale would damage the ship further by thrashing in pain. Unimpeded, the whale again rammed the ship.
The whale then swam away and sank beneath the waves, but by that point the ship had begun to take on water. The men on board hastened to gather all the supplies they could as the men in the two whaleboats began to sail back toward the Essex. Once Pollard and the rest of the men reached the remains of the ship, they realized the full scale of their desperate situation. William Bond, the ship’s steward, managed to salvage compasses and some other navigation equipment, and the crew finished the task of salvaging as much food and water as they could.
The crew slept in the boats, and the next morning they made preparations to leave the wreck; they took down the sails to use on their whaleboats and gathered together to discuss their plan. They knew that the closest land was the islands of the Marquesas, but they feared to travel there for fear of the supposedly cannibalistic inhabitants. Pollard voiced his desire to sail for the Society Islands about 2,000 miles away—relatively “close”—but Chase and Joy objected. They feared any island destination and instead proposed sailing directly for South America.
Though South America was twice as far away as the nearest islands, the junior officers argued that it was the safest option, and Pollard acquiesced to the wishes of his first mate: “By spurning the Society Islands and sailing for South America, the Essex officers chose to take their chances with an element they did know well: the sea” (99). Having made their decision, they divided the crew up into three different companies split among the boats; while all remained under the command of Pollard, this new division created three individual crews for the remainder of the journey. By late afternoon, they had already sailed out of sight of the wreck of the Essex.
In detailing the process of hunting and rendering whales so clearly, the author likens a whaling ship to a floating factory designed to drift from place to place while producing oil—another parallel between the whaling industry and the Industrial Revolution. The Essex functioned almost like a mobile oil rig, extracting the precious liquid from the depths of the sea at the expense of the blood, sweat, and tears of the men aboard. Seen in this light, it is no wonder that Philbrick characterizes the work of whaling as ultimately “desensitize[ing] the men to the awesome wonder of the whale” (65); whalers would refer to the tremendous beasts by the number of barrels of oil they were likely to produce rather than as living creatures.
This desensitization would ultimately lead, in the eyes of the author, to the overfishing that led many ships out into deeper and lonelier water. Drawing a parallel to the hunting of buffalo in the American plains, Philbrick highlights the intrinsic wastefulness that goes along with certain kinds of hunting. Buffalo hunts were extraordinarily wasteful since the animals were too often hunted purely for their pelts rather than for food (as the Indigenous populations had done). With whaling the situation differed in that whales are not usually hunted as a food source; even Indigenous Alaskans, for instance, typically hunt whales for their blubber and bone. Regardless, Philbrick suggests that the scale of whale oil hunting was ultimately self-destructive, with the hunt that sunk the Essex serving as a microcosm of the perils (financial and physical) of unsustainable consumption.
Some men who went to sea on whaling expeditions surely loved the task for its own sake, but Philbrick suggests that many simply saw it as a means to an end, no more difficult or dangerous than many other paying jobs, such as coal mining or particular kinds of factory work. The simple fact of the matter was that every whale captured and processed “brought the Nantucketer closer to returning home to his loved ones” (65). The fact that the men were so close to the midpoint of their journey when the Essex sunk gives the disaster a sense of tragic irony.
Philbrick’s account of the immediate aftermath of the sinking emphasizes the crew’s tenacity and ingenuity. Despite the shocking, unprecedented nature of the wreck, they managed to salvage a great deal of equipment and resources. It is here that the book begins to sketch out the theme of The Endurance of the Human Spirit. As in many tragedies, the act of achieving a goal greatly boosted the crew’s morale. Once their initial tasks had been accomplished, however, the reality of their situation began to set in: “The same men who had worked so cheerfully at modifying the whaleboats were suddenly bludgeoned by despair” (94).
This vacillation between hope and misery would define much of the voyage that followed, so part of the officers’ task was to foster the sense of shared purpose as much as possible. However, once the men had assessed their situation and begun to debate where to sail, the difference between their captain and first mate became stark. Though it’s impossible to know with certainty what would have happened if the survivors had gone with Pollard’s plan, Philbrick heavily implies that the decision to try to reach South America was a mistake. At the same time, his account emphasizes the complexities of leadership, especially in a crisis. Pollard’s reluctance to cause strife among the crew wasn’t unreasonable, as cohesiveness and cooperation would be important factors going forward. Likewise, Chase’s drive would help inspire the survivors to persevere through hardship. Philbrick’s account suggests that the ensuing events were not so much a failure on either officer’s part as they were an unfortunate confluence of character traits and circumstances: Chase had the forcefulness but not the judgment of a captain, while Pollard had the reverse.
By Nathaniel Philbrick