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71 pages 2 hours read

Rachel Louise Snyder

No Visible Bruises: What We Don’t Know About Domestic Violence Can Kill Us

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2019

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Part 3, Chapters 19-21Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 3: “The Middle”

Part 3, Chapter 19 Summary: “In the Cracks”

Dorothy Giunta-Cotter fled her abusive husband around the time Rocky murdered Michelle and their kids. Giunta-Cotter fled with her youngest daughter to Maine, where a judge told her he could not issue a restraining order against her husband since she was a resident of Massachusetts. Desperate, Giunta-Cotter called a domestic violence center in her hometown and spoke to Kelly Dunne, who found Giunta-Cotter and her daughter a shelter and listened to Giunta-Cotter’s story.

Giunta-Cotter knew that she would never be truly rid of her husband while her children were minors since he would be awarded visitation, so she did not call the police. She fled to Maine, however, because her husband had abused their 11-year-old daughter for the first time. After Giunta-Cotter and her daughter left, her husband began to track their whereabouts, filing a missing person’s report and preventing Giunta-Cotter from enrolling the girl in school. Dunne told Giunta-Cotter to stay in the shelter while a plan was worked out, but Giunta-Cotter said she and her daughter shouldn’t have to be the ones to leave their home.

The next day, a Massachusetts judge granted a restraining order but made an exception allowing Giunta-Cotter’s husband to pick up and return his tools from the family home’s garage each day. Mother and child returned home after the crisis center changed the locks, installed an alarm system, and gave them cell phones. They also gave the mother an emergency response necklace to wear, but after accidentally setting it off one night, Giunta-Cotter never wore it again.

Ten days after returning home, Giunta-Cotter’s husband took her hostage in the garage but left after two and a half hours. The next morning, Giunta-Cotter filed a report with a detective named Bobby Wile, who issued an order for the husband’s arrest. The husband turned himself in on Friday afternoon, but due to a lack of communication between the various parties involved, he was able to pay $500 and bail himself out.

Five days later, Giunta-Cotter’s husband broke down the door to her bedroom and took her hostage while their daughter ran to a neighbor. A police officer burst through the front door at the same moment Giunta-Cotter’s husband shot and killed her.

The town of Amesbury reeled from Giunta-Cotter’s violent death, and Kelly Dunne and Suzanne Dubus began to question what they were doing and how they were doing it. Dunne flew to San Diego to attend a conference run by Jacquelyn Campbell. While there, Dunne recognized several risk markers in Giunta-Cotter’s story and used the Danger Assessment tool to give her a risk score of 18 (about the same as Michelle Mosure).

Dunne and Dubus developed a plan to use the Assessment to predict which cases would end in fatalities: “[O]ne, identify and create action plans for high risk cases; and two, keep victims out of shelters as much as possible” (219). For their plans to succeed, the women knew that communication and collaboration between different agencies was critical, so,

At each stage, they talked through the practices, the legal issues, the privacy standards, and most of all how they could share information across bureaucratic lines. They […] learned what kind of information they could legally share with other offices and what they could not (220).

If law enforcement and the victims’ center were going to work together, Dunne knew there would have to be a shift in how the two viewed one another. The advocates explained why women stayed and often sided with their abusers or recanted affidavits, and the police explained their frustration with returning again and again to the same households. In 2005, this collaborative approach created the first Domestic Violence High Risk team in the US.

Part 3, Chapter 20 Summary: “Shelter in Place”

Since the 1960s, shelters have been the singular option for keeping domestic violence victims safe. Shelters, which number over 3,000 in the US, vary from facility to facility, but most require women and children to walk away from their lives and cut off contact with friends and family members, which is often not a viable option. Shelters also put the onus on the victims to keep themselves safe. In recent years, shelters have begun to hone their approach, allowing women to keep teenage sons with them, encouraging women to keep their jobs, and providing private accommodations for family units. Still, shelters are underfunded and pose extreme difficulties for the victims who must seek safety amongst other traumatized victims.

As Dunne and Dubus worked to change the way society helps domestic abuse victims, they took a hard look at existing shelters and decided that there had to be a better way. Snyder recounts her visit to a transitional housing site in Washington DC run by Peg Hacskaylo, former director of the District Alliance for Safe Housing, to see how it differs from a shelter.

In 2006, there were two shelters in DC with a total of 48 beds serving 1,700 victims of domestic violence seeking assistance every year. In response to the shortage, the city set aside $1 million for housing and invited organizations to develop solutions and apply for the funds. No one applied, and Hacskaylo was dispatched to find out why. She discovered that the existing organizations were stretched so thin that they had neither the time nor the resources to undertake large projects. Hacskaylo decided to form a nonprofit and do it herself, and the Cornerstone Housing Program was born.

Domestic violence is the leading cause of homelessness for women, who often face eviction for disturbances or drug use. In 2013, Hacskaylo developed the Survivor Resilience Fund to provide women with money for security deposits, furniture, and groceries—one-time, immediate needs—so that they can stay in their own communities. The Cornerstone transitional housing facility also offers fitness equipment and playgrounds, but most importantly, it offers women and children a two-year respite from housing costs while they get back on their feet, as well as the privacy and resources to begin healing.

Part 3, Chapter 21 Summary: “In the Fire”

Snyder recounts a meeting of the High Risk team with Kelly Dunne and Detective Wile. The review process categorizes about 10 percent of domestic violence as high risk, identifying events like pregnancy or job loss that heighten the danger. The team also strategizes together to keep the victim safe.

There are very few systemic mechanisms in place to provide abuse victims with the breathing room to formulate a plan. An exception is Massachusetts, where the district attorney can request a 58A hearing to assess the danger an abuser poses while holding that person for 180 days. Pennsylvania is the only other state with this kind of “Preventative Detention” statute, and many constitutional scholars argue that they are unlawful.

At the meeting Snyder attends, the team reviews a case involving an immigrant couple whose child lives with the abuser’s family outside the US. The family threatened to keep the child from ever seeing their mother again if the mother pressed charges or the abuser was deported. The team strategizes how to get the abuser convicted without the mother having to testify.

Snyder previously stated that evidence-based prosecution might have saved Michelle Mosure, and she now returns to Casey Gwinn and his battle to get evidence-based prosecution established in San Diego. Gwinn expanded the use of 911 tapes in court and asked police departments to take more photos and recover more evidence at domestic violence scenes; when he began winning cases, he also began training attorneys around the country. In 2004, however, the Supreme Court ruled in Crawford v. Washington that a defendant has a constitutional right to face his accuser in court. Any testimony given outside of a trial is hearsay, which is not admissible. This ruling effectively shut down a victim’s ability to make a statement without having to face her abuser in person and prevented prosecutors from using the statements of victims who later recanted (as almost 70 percent do). Gwinn explains the impact of the Crawford ruling this way: “The barrier to evidence-based prosecution is not about evidence […] It’s not about the viability of winning these cases. It’s about cultural norms and values. And at the heart of it is a stunning amount of misogyny” (239).

Despite the legal setback, Gwinn continues to prosecute abusers and Dunne and Wile continue to train communities across the country. One of the communities that has replicated the High Risk team is Cleveland, Ohio, which had over 70,000 domestic violence incidents in 2016. 

Part 3, Chapters 19-21 Analysis

In introducing the High Risk team, Snyder returns to the idea that communication gaps create opportunities for murder. Bridging these gaps is a critical component of addressing domestic violence and preventing domestic homicide.

In Chapter 20, Snyder looks at shelters—the first line of defense for domestic abuse victims. Through the work of Dunne and Dubus and Hacskaylo, she explores why shelters are problematic and what solutions may be possible. Snyder slips in and out of the stories of different people, organizations, and cities to convey several things: one, that there is no uniform approach to domestic abuse assistance; two, that there are several different perspectives in play among people working to prevent domestic abuse, so collaboration and communication are critical; and three, that different regions have different needs.

Chapter 21 assesses the barriers to success that stand in the way of the people and organizations working to help domestic abuse survivors. Those barriers run the gamut from lack of funding to the Supreme Court’s Crawford. What unites these obstacles is a kind of societal counterpart to the toxic masculinity individual men absorb: a sense that women don’t really matter. Various advocacy groups work to counteract this attitude by giving back to abuse victims what has been taken from them—health, home, security—and by putting the burden of keeping victims safe onto law enforcement rather than letting it rest solely on the shoulders of the victims themselves. The chapter closes with a cliffhanger: Kelly Dunne calls Snyder saying, “There’s someone you have to go meet […] Don’t ask me anything. Just go” (241).

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