57 pages • 1 hour read
Dave GrossmanA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Lt. Col. Dave Grossman was born on August 23, 1956. He has published multiple works of nonfiction and fiction and various articles in academic journals. With an MA in Education in the field of psychological counseling and his experience as an Army Ranger, Grossman has the experience and educational credentials to write this book. While he has never killed anyone, Grossman interviewed many soldiers who had, and he relates their stories. As a professor at West Point and with his military background, Grossman was able to gain access to veterans and gain their trust more easily than others could. The book is now required reading for US Marine commanders and the FBI. It was nominated for a Pulitzer Prize and has been translated into Japanese, Korean, and German.
On Killing remains Grossman’s most famous work. Grossman begins with the premise that human beings have an innate resistance to killing members of their own species. Drawing upon psychological studies, he then explains how the military has used desensitization and behavioral conditioning to overcome this resistance to killing successfully. However, he argues that the military has not addressed the psychological impact of killing on soldiers. In creating a field he dubs “killology,” Grossman exposes the psychological costs of sustained combat and the difficulty that 98% of soldiers have in coming to terms with killing. Grossman develops a psychological theory of killing response stages, such as euphoria, guilt, and acceptance.
Grossman concludes his work with an application of his theory about behavioral conditioning to kill to violent crime rates, arguing that media violence is conditioning young people to overcome the innate resistance to killing. His subsequent work, Stop Teaching Our Kids to Kill: A Call to Action Against TV, Movie and Video Game Violence, published in 1999, continues to address this theme. Although now retired from the US Army, Grossman remains active as a speaker and expert on combat violence and trauma.
After explaining the psychological tolls that extended combat and killing have on soldiers, Grossman focuses on how the military leadership and American society failed Vietnam veterans.
Subjected to highly effective psychological conditioning, combat soldiers in Vietnam had a 90-95% ratio of fire. The military trained them to kill but did not help them cope with the aftermath. Conditions in the Vietnam war made the killings particularly traumatic. Since it was a guerrilla war, the line between combatants and non-combatants was blurred, with soldiers sometimes shooting women and children. There were no safe zones to which soldiers could go for needed respite. Unlike past wars, soldiers were deployed individually for one-year tours in Vietnam. As a result, they lacked the psychological support that comes from close-knit combat units. Even when sent home, they traveled individually and did not have a period to exchange stories with comrades and prepare for re-engagement with civilian life.
When Vietnam veterans returned from battle, they were often met with hostility. People spat upon some of them and called them murderers. Grossman explains that the lack of societal support greatly contributed to the high rate of PTSD in soldiers returning from Vietnam. In contrast, soldiers returning from World War II were celebrated and told they had done right by their country. Such social support helps to mitigate the intensity of psychological trauma. Even those Vietnam veterans who experienced mild trauma on the battlefield had a high likelihood of PTSD because of the hostile response to them at home. The silent and long-term suffering of Vietnam veterans seems to be a motivating factor in Grossman’s desire to expose the difficulty of what soldiers are asked to do.
S.L.A. Marshall was a US Army “historian in the Pacific theater during World War II and later became the official U.S. historian of the European theater of operations” (3). Heading a large team of historians, he supervised a project in which thousands of soldiers in the Pacific and European theaters were interviewed. He found that only 15-20% of combat riflemen in World War II fired at the enemy. His findings got considerable attention, and the military changed its training methods to increase this ratio of fire.
However, historians raised questions about the accuracy of Marshall’s findings later in the 20th century. Grossman uses this research to support his premise that there is a natural inhibition against killing a member of one’s own species. When that inhibition is overcome via psychological training and conditioning, there is a need to consider the psychological effects on the combat soldier.
An Israeli military psychologist, Ben Shalit “developed a model of target attractiveness revolving around the nature of the victim” (171) to explain when soldiers are likely to kill. Grossman slightly modifies the terminology to that used in common murders: There must be motive, means, and opportunity to kill. Soldiers must have effective strategies available to kill. Grossman elaborates to note that soldiers would not want to risk their own lives to kill and would find it easier to kill with technology that allowed for physical distance.
Soldiers are more motivated to kill high-value targets, such as leaders, or those that would have the greatest gain for their side and biggest loss to the enemies. Those firing dangerous weapons could also be targeted. Grossman incorporates these variables into his model of “killing-enabling factors” (171).
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