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34 pages 1 hour read

Edward J. Larson

Summer for the Gods: The Scopes Trial and America’s Continuing Debate Over Science and Religion

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1997

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Part 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2: “...During...”

Part 2, Chapter 4 Summary: “Choosing Sides”

The trial took place in Dayton, Tennessee, a small town that was suffering from loss of industry and jobs and a dwindling population at the time of the Scopes trial. George Rappleyea, a New York transplant to Dayton who managed coal and iron mines, saw the ACLU’s challenge in the Chattanooga Times and went about trying to set up the test case for the ACLU. He approached the chair of the Rhea County school board, Frank Robinson, the school superintendent, Walter White, and a local defense attorney, John Godsey, who all agreed that the case would bring Dayton some publicity. Rappleyea spoke to several more individuals before reaching out to the ACLU to confirm that it would provide services if Dayton was willing to move forward with their case. The conspirators then contacted two prosecutors, Herbert and Sue Hicks. When the Hicks brothers agreed to prosecute the case with the assistance of Wallace Haggard, the case architects approached John T. Scopes, the local high school’s general science instructor and part-time football coach. Scopes was an ideal defendant—he was well-liked and accommodating and looked the part of “an earnest young teacher, complete with horn-rimmed glasses and a boyish face that made him appear academic but not threatening” (91). He had little to lose from this case—he did not have roots in the community and did not intend to stay in Daytona.

According to Larson, this was clearly no ordinary criminal case. It was met with widespread condemnation across Tennessee, with many criticizing it as a disgraceful publicity stunt. However, this did not stop Daytona from proceeding with the trial. John Randolph Neal was Scopes’s counsel, and Scopes was indicted by a special session of the grand jury on May 25, 1925. The prosecution consisted of Tom Stewart, the attorney general of the district, the Hicks brothers, Haggard, and Gordon McKenzie, who supported the antievolution statute on religious grounds. They extended an invitation for Bryan to join them, which he accepted, without compensation. When Darrow learned that Bryan would be involved, he and Dudley Field Malone, Bryan’s former assistant at the State Department, publicly offered their assistance to Neal without charge. Neal accepted their offers without consulting the ACLU, and once they joined the defense, the ACLU lost (and never regained) control of the “narrow” test case for which it had planned.  

The ACLU made efforts to oust Darrow, as did Neal. They both fought for academic freedom and a wider interpretation of evolution and religion. Darrow, however, was much more radical, and he clearly approached this case as “the culmination of his lifelong struggle against religious intolerance” (106). The ACLU and Neal feared that the case would lose perspective with Darrow at the helm, and that it would give the fundamentalists a chance to make the issue one of religious intolerance. They were right to fear this, as Darrow gave a statement the day after Neal accepted his assistance that “Nero tried to kill Christianity with persecution and law. Bryan would block enlightenment with law” (103). Bryan tried to refocus the debate on majoritarianism: “The real issue is not what can be taught in public schools, but who shall control the schools” (104).

The presiding judge was John T. Raulston, who took the unusual and legally questionable step of expediting the case by convening the special session grand jury for the sole purpose of indicting Scopes. After the prosecution’s presentation to the grand jury, Raulston read the Butler Act and the first chapter of Genesis and effectively instructed the grand jury to indict Scopes. After the grand jury returned the indictment, Raulston moved up the trial date to July 10, 1925, even though he was not scheduled to hold court in Rhea County until autumn of that year. The parties dispersed to spend the next six weeks preparing for what would be known as “The Trial of the Century” (110).

Part 2, Chapter 5 Summary: “Jockeying for Position”

Scientists and educators rallied behind Scopes in the weeks after his indictment. He visited New York to meet with ACLU officials regarding his case and made public appearances with three renowned evolutionary scientists of the day: Henry Fairfield Osborn, J. McKeen Cattell, and Charles B. Davenport. Henry Fairfield Osborn was a paleontologist who headed the American Museum of Natural History. He had been at loggerheads with Bryan for years on the teaching of evolution and used this opportunity to promote his views that “evolution by no means takes God out of the Universe” (113). J. McKeen Cattell, a psychologist who was president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) and the publisher of its journal, Science, rallied scientific support through editorials and articles. Charles B. Davenport was America’s premier eugenicist, whose research into eugenic thinking for human improvement via evolution was featured in the textbook that Scopes used in his class, Hunter’s Civic Biology. Bryan specifically targeted eugenics as “one of the evil consequences of teaching evolution” (115).

Contrary to reports by the popular press, there was middle ground between the fundamentalists and the modernists. However, the press paid little attention to the subtle arguments they made that showed the “various ways that American Christians harmonized sincere religious faith with the findings of modern science” (120). Instead, the press focused heavily on the differences, determined to pit the fundamentalists against the modernists and/or agnostics. The press tended to skew against antievolutionists, more due to “its insensitivity to faith-based arguments rather than to intentional advocacy” (125). As a result, antievolutionists progressively turned towards interdenominational journals and publishers for fair treatment.

The prosecution’s strategy was to limit the case to the right of the state legislature to control public school coursework. However, the prosecution wanted “both legal and moral victory if possible” (129) and thus prepared for the defense to “want to win a moral victory for their scientific beliefs” (129). Bryan had furtively hoped to discredit the theory of evolution through expert testimony. The team members split their responsibilities for trial preparation based on their strengths. Since Bryan was unfamiliar with local Tennessee law and lacked trial experience, Stewart and the Hicks brothers would handle the legal issues. Bryan was responsible for procuring expert witnesses. However, this became a major issue because no other major scientific witness was willing to participate other than George McCready Price. Price did not have any formal scientific training and had no authority as a scientist outside of fundamentalist circles. He was also unavailable, as he was lecturing in England. This concern combined with conversations that Bryan had with Samuel Untermyer, a civil rights activist and corporate attorney, convinced Bryan to limit the scope of the case and exclude any discussion of evolution by experts.

The defense, on the other hand, spoke openly of its strategy and linked numerous well respected, renowned scientists to the Scopes defense, even if they would not actually testify. In addition to throwing off the prosecution, this tactic educated the public about the extensive support for evolution in the scientific community. Defense counsel also spoke extensively to the public and the press before the trial to emphasize the importance of the case. Malone, for example, stressed to the public the defense argument that evolution does not conflict with creation—that “theology is concerned with the aspiration of men and their faith in a future life. Science is concerned with the process of nature” (138).

Part 2, Chapter 6 Summary: “Preliminary Rounds”

The trial began on Friday, July 10, 1925. Far from being the tourist attraction that Dayton’s civil leaders were hoping for, it became more of a media affair. Of the 500 visitors to the town during the trial, almost half were affiliated with the media. The proceeding began with a long prayer and a new indictment (as the grand jury had convened in May without sufficient notice). Jury selection began after lunch; at the time, only white males were allowed to serve on juries. Darrow was hard-pressed to find potential jurors who were not of the fundamentalist persuasion and had to settle for individuals who would be open-minded enough to hear the evidence against Scopes and his defense team’s argument. As a result, jury selection concluded, and court was adjourned for the weekend.

Over the weekend, Bryan continued to work on the case. He made statements supporting Stewart’s opposition to the introduction of expert testimony. Darrow was furious, and tensions only grew worse when he heard that the prosecution would no longer agree to an expedited hearing regarding the issue of expert testimony. Bryan also prepared two speeches that he gave on Sunday—one was the sermon at Dayton’s Southern Methodist church, and the second was given on the speaker’s platform outside of the courthouse. By the time the weekend came to an end, tensions were running high.

When Monday came, the defense made a motion to quash the indictment, arguing that the Butler Act violated both the United States Constitution and the Tennessee Constitution, which barred the state of depriving any person of liberty without due process of the law. The defense argued that the state had passed an unreasonable statute, and “no law can be constitutional unless it is within the right of the state under the police power, and it would only be within the right of the state to pass it if it were reasonable” (159). The prosecution argued that it was within the constitutional authority of the state legislature to control how state funds were spent, and that no individual freedoms were at stake as a result. Darrow, in his opening statement to the court, countered that the Butler Act was illegal because it established a religious standard in public schools and made “the Bible the yard stick to measure every man’s intellect” (163). He argued that while the state legislature might well be within its rights to determine what was taught in public schools, the people of Tennessee had adopted a constitution that gave freedom of religion to all people within its borders. As such, Darrow argued, no legislature could dictate that public schools teach something that violated that constitutional right to religious freedom.

The proceeding could not continue until Judge Raulston made his decision regarding the motion to quash the indictment. Though court was convened, the only official business was the prayer with which the judge opened every court session. The defense officially objected to this practice; as a result, Judge Raulston deferred to the local pastors’ association to make a decision on who would deliver the courtroom prayers going forward. For the remainder of the trial, the task alternated between fundamentalists and modernists.

Part 2, Chapter 7 Summary: “The Trial of the Century”

The trial began in earnest on July 15, 1925, when the prosecution made its two-sentence opening statement. Stewart stated that Scopes had violated the Butler Act by teaching evolution. Malone opened for the defense by challenging the constitutionality of the aforementioned statute, and by saying that regardless of its constitutionality, Scopes “did not and could not violate it” (171). The defense argued that while evolution and the creation account in the Old Testament were irreconcilable, evolution and Christianity were not incompatible. The relationship between evolution and Christianity was a matter of personal religious opinion, and therefore, the prosecution would not prove or assume that teaching evolution denied Genesis’s version of creation.

After the defense finished its opening, the prosecution presented its case by calling four witnesses: Superintendent White, two of Scopes’s students, and Frank Robinson. Stewart rested the prosecution’s case after an hour. The defense began by acknowledging that the allegations against Scopes were true, but that they did not break the law. They began their case by calling their first witness, Maynard M. Metcalf, a zoologist, and asking him to testify about evolution as it pertained to the origin of mankind. The prosecution objected to his testimony as it pertained to the relevance of the case, as they argued that the Butler Act criminalized any teaching of human evolution regardless of whether it conflicted with the Book of Genesis. The jury was removed from the room so that the judge could determine the admissibility of the evidence provided by Metcalf, who testified for the rest of the day until court was adjourned.

When court reconvened the next day, the prosecution and defense debated over the issue of expert witness testimony. Bryan gave his first speech of the trial, stating that “the one beauty about the Word of God is, it does not take an expert to understand it” (177). However, Malone’s stirring response to Bryan won the day. He appealed to the crowd’s sense of justice by asking, “Is our only weapon—the witnesses who shall testify to the accuracy of our theory—is our only weapon to be taken from us?” (178). Despite this speech, Judge Raulston prohibited expert testimony from scientific witnesses, although he allowed the defense to submit written statements and to read aloud excerpts.

It was expected that closing arguments would come after witness statements, so the judge moved the proceedings to the courthouse lawn, where everyone would get a chance to see them. However, much to the surprise of Judge Raulston and the prosecution, Hays called William Jennings Bryan as the defense’s final expert, and what ensued was a debate between Darrow and Bryan on “agnosticism and belief in revealed religion” (187). Under a two-hour cross-examination, Bryan was forced to acknowledge that not all of the Bible could be taken literally. The exchange would have continued were it not for Judge Raulston suddenly adjourning court for the day. When court reconvened the next day, Raulston barred further examination of Bryan and declared his cross-examination to be immaterial to the case and thus expunged from the record. Darrow, in turn, asked the judge to bring in the jury and find his client guilty so that they could appeal the case in a higher court. The jury returned a guilty verdict in nine minutes, and Judge Raulston fined Scopes $100, thus ending the trial on July 21, 1925.

Part 2 Analysis

The trial was the ACLU’s plan for “a narrow test case” (100). The Union had read about the Butler Act in Tennessee and sought a nominal defendant who was willing to accept the ACLU’s services so that the Union could challenge the antievolution statute in court. In setting up the case, the ACLU even offered to defray the expenditures of the prosecution, which was unheard of. The small test case soon became anything but when the prosecution asked Bryan to join. This had a snowball effect, as Bryan was a well-known former presidential candidate, Congressman, and Secretary of State who had adopted and championed various political causes after he left public service. Bryan’s involvement attracted the attention of Clarence Darrow, a formidable and infamous defense attorney, who could not resist an opportunity to face Bryan, so much so that he offered his legal services for free for the first time. After Darrow joined, the ACLU never regained control of the defense. With Bryan and Darrow on opposing sides, the case became about so much more than challenging the constitutionality of Tennessee’s antievolution law. Bryan attempted to focus the trial on majoritarianism, while Darrow viewed it as “the culmination of his lifelong struggle against religious intolerance” (106). The press fueled this view of the trial in its coverage by focusing heavily on the differences between fundamentalism and scientific secularism. Most major newspapers skewed heavily against the prosecution.

Chapters 5 and 6 describe the effect the indictment of John Scopes had on academic, scientific, and religious communities, and on how both the prosecution and the defense determined their trial strategy based on this dynamic. There was widespread support for Scopes, with many in the scientific community jockeying for a role in the upcoming trial. This support made strategizing easier for the defense, which took “an expansive view” (133) of the legal issues at hand and prepared witness testimony from numerous well-known scientists regarding evolution and religion. The prosecution, however, had far more difficulty securing scientific witnesses to counter the claims it anticipated from the defense. As the team was unable to do so, they decided to limit the case to the right of the legislature to control what is taught in public schools.

The legal strategies of both sides were readily apparent as the trial began—the prosecution finished its case within an hour and restricted its argument to Scopes’s violation of the criminal statute. However, Darrow’s legal talent and skilled navigation of courtroom procedure were evident, as he managed to deftly outmaneuver a judge who was clearly biased towards the prosecution to ambush Bryan, counsel for the prosecution, and call him as a final witness for the defense. He managed to “try revealed religion” (187) and forced Bryan to concede that he interpreted parts of the Bible.

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