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47 pages 1 hour read

Peter Abelard, Heloise

The Letters Of Abelard And Heloise

Nonfiction | Collection of Letters | Adult | Published in 1133

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Symbols & Motifs

The Holy Trinity

Throughout the work, the Holy Trinity comes to symbolize Abelard’s work and struggles as a theologian. Before gaining notoriety himself, Abelard was actually taught by a logician who was condemned for heresy concerning the Trinity, so this is an ever-present subject in Abelard’s life that follows him to his death.

In the early 12th century, Abelard devotes much of his time to debates about the Trinity and publishes a work on the subject, which is soon burned and condemned as heretical. To him, this is a catastrophic event, and he feels unjustly persecuted for his theological ideas. Meanwhile, Abelard establishes an oratory and dedicates and names it in honor of the Trinity, drawing criticism. Two decades after the burning of his book, he is accused of heresy regarding the Trinity yet again and is condemned by Pope Innocent II. He writes that “logic has made me hated by the world,” referring to the accusation that he had heretically applied logic to understanding the Trinity (211).

Abelard strongly rejects the accusation of heresy and maintains to the very end that he did nothing contrary to the Catholic faith: “I believe in the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit; the true God who is one in nature; who comprises the Trinity of persons in such a way as to preserve Unity in substance (211). In this way, the Trinity becomes symbolic of his work and struggles as a theologian. It is his primary preoccupation and his battleground as a philosopher monk devoted to elucidating the faith.

Convents, Monasteries, and Hermitages

Religious houses, whether they be convents, monasteries, or hermitages, feature prominently as a motif. They vary, some serving as places of comfort and refuge and others serving as dangerous places filled with malicious intent. This motif speaks to a central theme within the work: ecclesiastical politics.

The primary place of refuge in the work is the oratory established by Abelard himself, the Paraclete, meaning the comforter. Abelard details the spiritual nourishment and safe haven that the oratory provided him after the burning of his book and his contentious time at and escape from the abbey of St. Denis. He says that the place provided him and others with an opportunity to live simply as hermits and, thanks to his loyal followers, freed him up to work on his studies in peace. The Paraclete takes on an extra dimension when Abelard gives it to Heloise and her nuns, because he is able to provide refuge for this endangered community and reaffirm his bond with Heloise. The abbey of Cluny later becomes a place of refuge, as this is where Peter the Venerable accepts Abelard as a monk and shelters him until his death.

Aside from the Abbey of St Denis, where Abelard seems to find nothing but trouble, conflict, and controversy, the remote abbey of St Gildas is portrayed as an especially dangerous place. It is here that Abelard encounters wayward monks who respond to his reforms with threats of bodily harm, and it is here that Abelard laments taking the post of abbot and assuming power, which placed him directly in harm’s way. Unlike the Paraclete and Cluny, St. Gildas is portrayed as a house of malice. All three, however, in some way, represent the ecclesiastical politics of the time.

Castration and Eunuchs

Castration and eunuchs may be perceived as both symbols and motifs. They are directly representative of Abelard’s literal castration but also impart one central theme of the work: Abelard’s journey from a layman to a devoted monk and his struggles with lust.

Initially, Abelard sees himself as a monstrosity after his castration. He feels deep shame and disgust at his state, noting that it was his castration that “brought [him] to seek shelter in a monastery cloister” (18). It would seem that he continued to feel like an abomination for some time. However, at some point, his perception of his state clearly changed.

In his letters to Heloise, he writes of the castration both as fitting punishment and as an act of divine mercy. It would seem that he came to see his castration as a gift from God, rescuing him from reveling in the sin of lust. Moreover, this allowed him to experience a genuine conversion and devote himself wholly to his studies. He even introduces historical examples of famous and praiseworthy eunuchs into his narrative, especially those who facilitated conversions to Christianity. He praises the monk Origen, who was a devoted doctor and castrated himself in order to instruct women without suspicion. By all accounts, it would seem that Abelard genuinely came to see his castration as a sort of blessing and that it, and eunuchs, came to symbolize his genuine conversion and reprieve from sin.

Women as the Weaker Sex

It was commonly believed in medieval Europe that men were the stronger sex and that women were the weaker sex. This understanding of gender arose out of custom, works passed down from classical antiquity, and Christian doctrine. The idea of women as the weaker sex is taken for granted throughout Abelard and Heloise’s correspondence, showing how steeped they were in this aspect of medieval culture.

This gender inequality is particularly important when considering Heloise’s insistence that Abelard provide her community with a suitable Rule for monastic life. She argues that because women are the weaker sex, the Rule designed for men is not suitable for them. She genuinely sees this as inhibiting convent life and preventing nuns from devoting themselves to God. Again, her argument rests on the fundamental difference between men and women and the fact that women are the weaker sex. She finds nothing incompatible between this and her position of power and authority as a learned abbess; she simply takes it for granted as fact.

We must also take this motif into account when considering Abelard’s thoughts on women, and holy women in particular. When writing to Heloise, Abelard is full of praise for holy women but also pious women from Christian history who tended to Christ and brought about conversions and resurrections. We get the sense that Abelard certainly revered pious women, and holy women especially. Nevertheless, he regularly reproduces the idea that women are the weaker sex, and this actually informs his praise. He notes that female piety is all the more pleasing to God because they are the weaker sex and, in essence, have to work so much harder. Much like Heloise, he sees nothing incompatible between his reverence for women and his belief that they are the weaker sex.

Food and Wine

Food and wine are of great concern to Heloise as an abbess. To her, they are symbolic of piety, and she asks Abelard to clarify whether they detract from or add to devotion. In her request for a Rule, Heloise seems to agonize over whether food is actually of importance to piety and whether it commends us to God, or whether it simply leads us to focus on worldly things to our detriment. She gravitates to the latter, suggesting that God cares about the devotion of our hearts rather than what we eat. In some ways, Abelard seems to agree with her, stating that the issue is never food but the appetite behind it. He argues for moderation and continence, writing that “no food defiles the soul, only the appetite for forbidden food” (184).

Both are concerned and write at length about wine, constantly equating it with sensuality. Heloise inquires as to whether it should be drunk, given that Scripture warns that it is harmful, stirs up disturbances within, and encourages sensuality. However, she notes that St. Benedict allowed it to his monks as a concession. What should be done? Abelard agrees that wine is deeply hazardous and promotes sensuality. He writes that because wine prevents both continence and silence, women should abstain from it entirely, or they should cut it with enough water to prevent intoxication. In this way, wine will benefit their health without endangering their souls.

Anti-Semitism

The letters between Abelard and Heloise are filled with various anti-Semitic comments, reminding us that intolerance within the Church towards matters of theological unorthodoxy also extended outside of the Church to Jews and those deemed to be heathens. Anti-Semitism and religious intolerance were hallmarks of medieval Christian Europe, and the casual way in which Abelard and Heloise litter anti-Semitic comments throughout their letters demonstrates how this intolerance was normalized and commonplace, both among the Church and lay people.

When criticizing superfluous outward works of supposed piety, such as abstaining from food, Heloise writes that “nothing so divides Jew from Christian as the distinction between outward and inner works, especially since between the children of God and those of the devil love alone distinguishes” (104). In his response to Heloise, Abelard remarks at one point that nothing should be taken for granted on the basis of custom, as “[o]therwise like the Jews we should set the antiquity of Law before the Gospel” (168). Such comments and the larger context of anti-Semitism in medieval Europe helps us better understand one of the central ideas within the book: religious intolerance.

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