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William L. ShirerA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
By September 17, 1939—little more than two weeks after the German invasion—all Polish forces were either defeated or hopelessly surrounded. Ribbentrop now pressed Molotov to provide a definitive date for Soviet military intervention as provided for by the secret protocol attached to the August 23 Nazi-Soviet Pact. On September 28, Stalin and Hitler agreed to a partition that wiped Poland off the map. As the price of continued neutrality, the Soviet dictator received generous concessions in the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania.
Having conquered Poland in a matter of weeks, and having divided the spoils with an accommodating Stalin, Hitler turned his attention to the West. In public, and in the presence of unofficial diplomats, Hitler spoke of peace. According to Field Marshal Walther Brauchitsch, however, Hitler planned to attack France as early as November 12. This date was repeatedly pushed back throughout the winter and early spring, when the Fuehrer temporarily changed his strategy, but he never wavered in his belief that he could knock France out of the war as quickly as he had vanquished Poland.
Convinced that an attack on France would bring certain defeat, the anti-Hitler conspirators, Army and civilian, once again discussed removing the Fuehrer by force if necessary. Once again, they did not act. On November 8, the anniversary of the failed 1923 Munich putsch, a bomb exploded at the famous beer hall, 12 minutes after Hitler finished speaking. The SS falsely blamed British Intelligence agents. On November 23, Hitler summoned his commanders to a meeting at the Reich Chancellery, where he informed them that his impending attack on France would serve as mere prelude to a contest with the Soviet Union. Still, the conspirators did nothing. Meanwhile, the SS began its reign of terror in Poland, shipping Jewish people to the ghettos and concentration camps, and forcing Polish people to perform unpaid labor for the Reich. Auschwitz opened on June 14, 1940.
For the next phase of Nazi aggression, Hitler decided to showcase the German navy. After more than a dozen postponements of the planned attack on France, it was clear that Hitler had shifted his strategy. Through Alfred Rosenberg and Admiral Raeder, Hitler met Vidkun Quisling, a Norwegian Nazi eager to surrender his country to the Germans. To stave off a possible British landing in Scandinavia and to secure air bases for an eventual campaign against the British Isles, Hitler decided to invade both Denmark and Norway.
Hitler ordered the attack on Scandinavia to begin on April 9. Throughout the first week of April, the British government had received credible reports of German forces massing in the north, but the invasion still caught them by surprise. The Danes accepted their fate and offered little resistance, but the Norwegians put up a spirited fight. Norway’s major port cities fell on the first day, but Haakon VII, the nation’s democratically elected king, refused to capitulate. The king, his government, and survivors of his battered army fled Oslo for the mountains and then to the northwest coast, where they hoped a British relief expedition might find them. British troops arrived and clashed with the German Army for the first time in the war at Lillehammer on April 21. British forces held northern Norway until early June, but the long-delayed German invasion of France, which began on May 10, required a redeployment of British resources. The Royal Navy evacuated the king and his government. All of Norway fell to the Nazis.
On May 10, 1940, Hitler’s forces attacked Belgium and the Netherlands, both neutral nations, both of which fell in a matter of days. The skillfulness of the German strategists, coupled with the swiftness of their advance, trapped the Allied armies, including the British Expeditionary Force, in between Belgium and the English Channel. Panzers rolled virtually unopposed past the old battlefields of World War I. Then, on May 24, with the Allied forces trapped near Dunkirk, the German armored divisions received the order to halt. Shirer dwells at length on the origins and reasoning behind this inexplicable order, which delayed the German advance by two full days and probably allowed tens of thousands of Allied troops to escape across the Channel. He concludes that the responsibility lay with Hitler, egged on by Goering, who wanted to showcase the Luftwaffe and believed he could wipe out the enemy at Dunkirk using air power alone. Goering failed, as more than 300,000 Allied troops were evacuated by June 4.
Elsewhere, however, Hitler achieved staggering successes. On June 14, German forces entered Paris and raised the swastika over the Eiffel Tower. One week later, on June 21, Hitler met French officials outside the forest at Compiegne. In the same railway car and in the exact spot where the Germans had signed the armistice on November 11, 1918, the victorious Fuehrer now dictated the terms of France’s surrender to Nazi Germany. Shirer witnessed the scene and noted the mixture of joy, triumph, hatred, and revenge on Hitler’s face. In the weeks that followed, Hitler spoke of peace, declaring that he saw no reason why the war should continue. After all, the British were isolated, their military situation hopeless.
Hitler mentioned a possible invasion of Britain as early as May 21, 1940, though he does not appear to have given it much thought. Years later, German generals insisted that Operation Sea Lion was little more than a diversion—that Hitler never really planned to invade Britain. Copious amounts of evidence uncovered after the war, however, prove that Hitler was serious about Sea Lion and would have invaded had circumstances been more favorable. By the end of July, the Fuehrer had established September 15 as the optimal date for an attack. Goering’s Luftwaffe would rain terror from the skies above London, Coventry, and other cities. Only after the Royal Air Force had been dilapidated could Admiral Raeder’s navy facilitate the cross-channel invasion with a reasonable chance of success.
Everything, therefore, depended on the battle in the skies: the Battle of Britain. The German air attack began on August 15. At first, British fighters inflicted heavy damage on the Luftwaffe, but the Germans soon figured out that the British air defense was being coordinated from ground-based sector stations using radio and radar, and the tide turned when the Luftwaffe began targeting these stations. Attrition took its toll on the RAF pilots, who flew multiple sorties each day. On September 7, however, in retaliation for a handful of British bombs dropped on Berlin, Goering shifted to nighttime terror bombing of London. The change in tactics gave the RAF time to regroup. When German daylight raids resumed on September 15, the relentless British pilots pounded the Luftwaffe and shot down dozens of bombers, proving that weeks of effort had failed to win the Germans air superiority. Two days later, September 17, Hitler postponed Sea Lion indefinitely. Captured documents show that, in the event of a successful invasion, the Nazis would have subjected the people of Britain to the same terrors they inflicted on the vanquished of continental Europe.
Chapters 18-22 show Hitler at the apex of his power, albeit plagued by signs of weakness. These chapters also reveal the continued inertia of the anti-Hitler conspirators.
Shirer’s military narrative features a series of staggering German victories but concludes with a crucial Nazi defeat. The German armed forces that rolled through Poland in early September 1939 were a “monstrous mechanized juggernaut such as the earth had never seen” (625). Shirer uses the same word to describe German forces in the West in May 1940: “a formidable and frightening juggernaut” (723). Under Goering, the German air force applied “a dose of Nazi terror” to the cities of Warsaw and Rotterdam (722). The Luftwaffe, however, bears responsibility for Germany’s first major setback in the Battle of Britain, which had important psychological consequences in the West, for Hitler “after so many years of dazzling successes, had at last met failure” (773). The Battle of Britain also saved the British homeland from Nazi terror. Captured documents show that Hitler “seriously intended” to invade Britain had the circumstances been favorable (762).
Hitler’s unprecedented military victories in 1939-40 concealed his own personal flaws, which would prove fatal. For one thing, the Fuehrer continued to lie—all the time. In public, he talked of peace with the West while privately he told his commanders to expect an attack on France as early as November 12, 1939. Indeed, records show that Hitler never deviated from his plan to carry the war to the West, though he did postpone the attack 14 different times. Furthermore, in Hitler’s mind the attack on the West was always a prelude to a great struggle against the Soviets, with whom he had signed a nonaggression pact he always intended to break. One might argue that such lies are commonplace in war, but liars also tend to assume that everyone around them is lying, and Shirer’s narrative shows that as Hitler’s lies mounted, his paranoia deepened. Likewise, paranoid megalomaniacs trust no one, so they attempt to control everything. Even amidst great military successes, for instance, Hitler’s infamous “halt” order to the panzers on May 24, 1940, marks the beginning of a serious decline in Hitler’s military judgment. Whether this order was a pause to allow the dramatic entrance of the Luftwaffe or had some other perceived advantage, it allowed the British enough time to avoid the decisive strike Goering had intended, and this made a significant difference in the ultimate outcome of the war.
Finally, the anti-Hitler conspirators’ failure to act against Hitler after the Poland invasion fuels Shirer’s suspicions that they were neither as brave nor as serious about rebellion as they later insisted. By November 23, 1939, the conspirators knew for certain that Hitler not only planned to attack the West at any moment but also that he planned this attack as mere prelude to an invasion of the Soviet Union. At a later time, following conquests of Denmark, Norway, Belgium, Holland, and France, the officer corps certainly became more optimistic about Germany’s overall prospects for success. In November 1939, however, no general seriously believed that Germany could win a war in both the West and the East, which raises the question of why they did not act to remove Hitler—a question, in fact, which hangs over most of the book.
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