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61 pages 2 hours read

Whittaker Chambers

Witness: Cold War Classics

Nonfiction | Autobiography / Memoir | Adult | Published in 1952

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Chapters 10-12Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 10 Summary: “The Tranquil Years”

Chapter 10, “The Tranquil Years,” returns to Chambers’s work as an editor at Time magazine. It opens in 1939, as Hitler and Stalin sign their non-aggression pact. The agreement amplifies American fears about the destructive consequences of collaboration between Communists and Nazis, both for the direction of World War II and for the US itself: The American government was well aware of the Communist and Nazi sleeper cells scattered across its soil. As a result of these tensions, Chambers decides to become an informer. Chambers understands the moral problems of acting as an informant, but he believes that anyone who leaves Communism has an ethical obligation to inform on their past colleagues, both to protect themselves against possible acts of retaliation and to warn the world of the Communist menace.

Although he has left the Communist movement, Chambers remains tormented by his past support for Communism as well as he did to break free from it. Chambers meets with the Soviet defector Walter Krivitsky, who tells Chambers that every Communist must either come to grips with or ignore Communism’s fundamentally tyrannical nature. Krivitsky reveals that Stalin’s pact with Hitler was part of a plot to turn the Western powers against one another; the hope is that infighting will leave them too weak to withstand a Soviet assault. He further tells Chambers that the only way to stop Communism is to replace it with an equally passionate ideological commitment: A conservative dread of revolution alone is not enough to lure people back from the temptations of radical socialism.

Chambers goes to Adolf Berle, an Assistant Secretary of State, to tell him of the extent of Soviet penetration in the US government. Berle takes extensive notes, although he proves more circumspect about Chambers’s account in later public testimony. For months, the government takes no action based on Chambers’s confession. Chambers hears that President Roosevelt dismissed Berle with a laugh. This leads Chambers to believe that the New Deal was itself part of the revolutionary plot. He concludes that Communist infiltration has succeeded in going all the way to the top.

Meanwhile, Chambers sees good-hearted liberals acceding to Communist control of the Newspaper Guild. These liberals disturb him with their inability to see the Communists as the threat they are. Once the Communists get wind of his status as a defector, they begin a smear campaign against him. Many of his nice liberal friends abandon him, and an editor whom he suspects of being a fellow traveler forbids him from writing on Communism. Chambers longs to be a Quaker and enjoy their sense of profound peace, but his own campaign against Communism puts him at odds with their absolutist pacifism. Regardless, he soon takes part in their quiet prayer sessions with his daughter.

At his Time office, Chambers receives the news that Krivitsky was killed. The Chambers temporarily take Krivitsky’s family into their care.

Chambers dives deeper into Quakerism, guarding himself against spiritual sin while permitting himself indulgences of the flesh.

Two years after his initial contact with Berle, the FBI reaches out to Chambers and asks him questions about his story. When they fail to follow up with any action, Chambers suspects that Communists in FDR administration are interfering with the investigation.

Chambers becomes a senior editor at Time, but then has to take a leave of absence when he develops angina.

Upon his return, he turns the Foreign News desk into a bastion of anti-Communist sentiment—not a popular view at a time when many still see the USSR as a wartime ally. He even refuses to print the cable of a correspondent in Prague who reports favorably on the Communist seizure of power there. Exhausted from battles with his editors and other writers, he leaves the Foreign Desk and later publishes a cover story on the theologian Reinhold Niebuhr under the Religion section. Its basic argument is that liberalism’s concept of human nature is too optimistic to recognize the Communist threat for what it is. By extension, the liberal West must adjust to the reality of sin and suffering.

For years, Chambers is reluctant to confront Communism publicly. He prefers to allow others to reach the same conclusions that he did on their own. He settles into a happy farm life with his family, where he ponders the connection between God and the soil. He hopes that the life of a farmer will prepare his children for the challenges of adulthood, and not simply provide escape from them. Chambers likewise decides that he cannot forever remain apart from the world, and must act in accordance with his convictions.

Chapter 11 Summary: “The Hiss Case”

Chapter 11, “The Hiss Case,” begins with the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) issuing a subpoena to Chambers. He travels to Washington, where he learns of a shrewd committee member named Richard Nixon (R-CA) for the first time. Chambers does not want to betray his former Communist friends, but the subpoena gives him an irresistible opportunity to tell the entire world what he knows about Communism. He is also aware that his testimony about Communist infiltration of the government is likely to meet with a hostile reception.

Based on prior reports, Chambers expected the Committee to be a raucous and incompetent witch-hunt. Instead, he finds its members well-informed and courteous, even to hostile witnesses. Chambers enters the committee room and testifies that before his employment at Time, he was a Communist and paid agent of the Soviet Union. He tells the story of why he joined, what rattled his faith and ultimately prompted his departure, warns of an ongoing Communist conspiracy to destroy the American government and way of life, and calls upon all American Communists to break away from the movement. He publicly identifies key Communist agents by name, including Alger Hiss. Right away, Communist-affiliated journalists start spreading rumors about Chambers. He enjoys the support of his friends and family, and hopes the nation similarly believes in him.

Chambers eventually learns that Hiss has already begun a public relations campaign to restore his personal and professional reputation. Hiss categorically denies any knowledge of Chambers in his own testimony before HUAC. Hiss’s eloquence and absolute confidence won over the crowd and the media. The Committee might have dropped the case if not for the persistence of Richard Nixon, who questions Chambers in depth on his past association with Hiss. Chambers’s intimate knowledge of Hiss’s home, family, associates, automobiles, and hobbies offers a strong rebuttal to Hiss’ denial to having ever known Chambers. Nevertheless, the charm and charisma of Hiss’s witness is such that Hiss’s allies in the Justice Department prepare to indict Chambers.

Nixon subjects Hiss to a fresh round of questioning, during which he inadvertently confirms details of Chambers’s testimony. Hiss tries to elicit more information about Chambers so he can avoid any further contradictions, and resists divulging details that people could use against him. He also tries to discredit Chambers on the grounds that he is a confessed former Communist, while he is a well-respected government official and nonprofit officer. Congressman F. Edward Hébert (D-LA) rejected this on the grounds that anyone could redeem themselves. Hiss testifies that the closest person to Chambers he is aware of was a freelance journalist named George Crosley, a man with bad teeth who rented out one of Hiss’s apartments. Hiss talks about the Plymouth he bought, the Ford, and the rug he received from Crosley. He cannot confirm that Crosley and Chambers are the same person. Chambers sees Hiss once at a New York Hotel, but Hiss pointedly ignores him. This leaves Chambers sorrowful for his friend but no less determined to have his story vindicated.

Chambers and Hiss then confront one another directly before HUAC. As Chambers testifies, Hiss expresses doubts that he is the same person as George Crosley. Chambers admits to having had bad teeth in the past, just as Hiss remarked upon at the time and during his testimony. Hiss suddenly decides that it is likely that Chambers and Crosley are the same person, but he cannot produce anyone else to confirm Crosley’s name. Chambers also denies having ever gone by the name “George Crosley.” Under intense questioning, Hiss’s denials become increasingly less convincing.

Chambers returns to work, where the staunchly anti-Communist founder of Time, Henry Luce, provides him with comfort and encouragement. Nixon holds another public hearing, and the turn of popular opinion sways in favor of Chambers just in time to stop the Justice Department’s efforts to save Hiss.

Hiss’s attempts to placate HUAC are going poorly. He frequently refuses to answer the committee’s questions on the grounds that he will incriminate himself, which does nothing to restore public faith in his credibility. Hiss is likewise short on the paperwork to confirm his claims, and often claims to have a faulty memory whenever he is called out for making contradictory statements. The testimony of other suspected Communists further undermines Hiss’s narrative.

Hiss nevertheless continues to try and damage Chambers’s reputation. Hiss’s efforts in this regard are helped by his new lawyer, Harold Rosenwald, a leftist veteran of the Justice Department who later worked for the Communist regime in Yugoslavia.

Despite Rosenwald’s best attempts to defend his client, HUAC continues its interrogation of Hiss. Nixon insists that if Hiss is lying about Chambers, Hiss must be doing so to protect his own affiliation with Communism. Hiss’s gift for misdirection and obfuscation eventually tires his questioners, who catch him contradicting himself on the question of having given “Crosley” a Ford. As it turns out, the Communists’ very dedication to conspiracy led them to botch the paperwork rather than hide the transaction in plain sight. In fact, it is well documented that Hiss gave the vehicle to someone other than “Crosley.” HUAC therefore catches Hiss in his lie about the Ford, but he quickly recovers and blasts the committee’s integrity, saying that it is ruining his reputation on the basis of incomplete facts. Hiss affirms his impeccable record of government service and again cites his powerful connections. He further insists that HUAC subject Chambers’s own record to similar scrutiny, hinting that Chambers was institutionalized for mental health challenges. Chambers denies this charge in subsequent testimony, states again that he and Hiss were once good friends, and testifies that his choice to inform on Hiss was motivated by nothing but their rival ideologies.

Chapter 12 Summary: “The Bridge”

In Chapter 12, “The Bridge,” Chambers has just completed his testimony and is pondering the concept of being a witness. He realizes he wants to be a witness on behalf of something greater than just Alger Hiss or even Communism.

The world may have seen his testimony against Hiss as a conflict between two individuals, but Chambers comes to recognize it as a clash between opposing faiths. He has to respect Hiss as a devoted servant to his Communist “faith,” even if that faith is hostile to the human spirit.

To be a true witness, Chambers decides, one must be willing to sacrifice himself on behalf of its beliefs, even if he still has hesitations and doubts.

Rather than being filled him with a sense of sudden resolve, Chambers compares the experience of this revelation to the feeling of gradually crossing a bridge having only a vague sense of what lies on the other side. One travels across this bridge one step at a time until one finally arrives.

With Hiss still holding many advantages, Chambers endeavors to press ahead in his fight to defend the free world.

Chapters 10-12 Analysis

Chambers insists throughout Witness that his conflict with Hiss was never personal, and frames himself as a representative of Christian civilization who testified against a representative of Communism. But as this narrative turns to his legal showdown with Hiss, their personalities come to matter a great deal more than Chambers explicitly lets on. Chambers may well have told the truth when he avowed to be acting out of conviction rather than personal pique. But the particularities of their character were far more complicated than Chambers admits they are.

Chambers was always searching for a faith to guide him, which is part of why he was such a highly effective advocate for Communism and then conservatism. However, it was his status as an ex-Communist that brought him to HUAC, not his Christianity. It also helped that he was a senior editor at Time magazine. Despite his protestations of having to fight alone against the world, the reality is Chambers enjoyed the support of the immensely powerful people including, but not limited to, Henry Luce. While it is true that Chambers’s testimony before HUAC inevitably earned him some skeptics and detractors, the picture that Witness paints of Chambers as Quaker martyr who was all but physically crucified by a pro-Communist mob is a self-created romantic fiction. Not unlike those members of the ostensible revolutionary vanguard who enjoyed playing spy more than fighting actual wars, Chambers’s narrative revels in the rhetorical construction of martyrdom. In reality, defending his faith brought Chambers fame and a fair measure of fortune.

Hiss similarly portrays Hiss as a “true believer,” intent on advocating for his Communist faith to the bitter end. Yet the truth is that Hiss steadfastly denied any association with the ideology until the end of his life. Chambers may be right in describing Hiss’s denial as a classic Communist deception. Regardless, denial is a hugely ineffective form of advocacy, much less the work of a true believer. In fact, the bulk of Hiss’s testimony focuses not on Communism, but on Hiss’s role as a New Deal bureaucrat and then on his duties as President of the Carnegie Fund for International Peace. Throughout the HUAC transcripts, Hiss comes across as a committed liberal who sought to effectively implement American policies crafted by a democratically-elected president. Portraying Hiss as a dedicated Communist saboteur thus requires Chambers to make a drastic and questionable conflation between the Communist Party and the entire New Deal establishment. Chambers was correct that Hiss was, at the very least, a Communist sympathizer at one point in his life. But the historical record shows that Hiss was a totally inconsequential one: The only evidence of Hiss’s espionage occurs in a single intelligence intercept from 1945, which indicates that he met with a Soviet commissar for foreign affairs. Hence, Chambers takes significant dramatic license in presenting Hiss as a man whose entire being was devoted to Communism.

Chambers’s main purpose in these chapters is therefore to vindicate his own account of events and thereby defend his reputation, not to advance American democracy or Christianity, much less Western Civilization. Pertinent here is the fact that large chunks of the chapter on HUAC are lifted straight from the testimony transcripts, and those portions cited focus on the details and records that might disprove Hiss’s protestations of ignorance. The segments are often interrupted by Chambers’s complaints about the smear campaigns that he believes were deployed against him. Also common is speculation from Chambers about Communist interference in a government investigation against Hiss that Chambers very clearly wants to move forward. While Chambers’s past involvement with the Communist underground lends a measure of credence to his musings, it is far from convincing evidence. Having long since left Communism, Chambers is in no position to actually know whether a Communist conspiracy is at play. There are many reasons that the US government would not have made following up on Chambers’s allegations against Hiss its top priority, including the far more pressing matters of World War II, the Great Depression, and the Dust Bowl. By interweaving a profoundly selective reading of events with hearsay, personal complaints, and conspiratorial thinking, this section of Witness seriously calls into question Chambers’s position as a credible narrator of historical events.

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